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/ Home / News / Building Nova Earth 1 / Human Rights / Coronavirus Response – March 26 – 2
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Coronavirus Response – March 26 – 2

March 26, 2020 by Steve Beckow

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A roundup of articles on the status of the Coronavirus and ways we can help….

There are so many stories coming out now, we’ll need to post several roundups throughout the day….


Jennifer BurnsCoronavirus outbreak may prompt policymakers to seriously consider pros, cons of universal basic income, says Stanford scholar

Melissa De Witte, March 24, 2020

https://news.stanford.edu/2020/03/24/moment-universal-basic-income/

Stanford historian Jennifer Burns discusses how universal basic income could become a major discussion point in Washington D.C. as policymakers respond to the economic blow of the coronavirus pandemic.

Until now, universal basic income – a concept that would give all members of society an unconditional, guaranteed cash payment – has received limited attention among U.S. policymakers. But the coronavirus pandemic may change all that, says Stanford historian Jennifer Burns.

Jennifer Burns, associate professor of history, says a universal basic income program could help protect workers who have hit rock bottom. (Image credit: Courtesy Jennifer Burns)

As lawmakers look for ways to soften the economic blow of the outbreak, one idea is to give qualified Americans a lump sum of money. Could this one-off handout lead to a more serious consideration of guaranteed income for Americans? Burns believes so.

Here, Burns, who is an associate professor of history in the Stanford School of Humanities and Sciences and a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, discusses the complicated history of UBI and how the political logjam that prevented it from being a topic of serious discussion in Washington D.C. may finally be broken.

Part of the proposed coronavirus stimulus plan is a direct cash payment to qualified Americans. Would you consider the current proposal an example of universal basic income (UBI)? 

The proposed reforms really only resemble a UBI in one respect: the payment of a cash benefit rather than an in-kind benefit, such as food stamps, vouchers or coverage of medical expenses. There is, however, a similar rationale. In a crisis situation when needs are likely to be both pervasive and highly diverse, such as the coronavirus emergency, a cash payment seems most efficient on many levels. It can go out to recipients faster, and they can immediately use it to meet their most pressing needs, as determined by the best judgment of the individual and household. Similar benefits apply to a long term UBI.

The primary difference between a UBI and the measures now under discussion is that they are being considered as a sort of emergency stopgap, not an ongoing program. This eliminates one of the benefits of UBI, that it provides a measure of income stability and enables long term planning.

Why hasn’t UBI gained more traction among the nation’s policymakers?

Over the past five years, there has been a robust philosophical and policy conversation about UBI that has yielded a range of new proposals and pilot programs. Andrew Yang is the best-known proponent but he is really the tip of the iceberg. However, most of this conversation has been among Democrats and liberals. This is unusual in the overall history of UBI, which in the 1960s and 1970s had wide bi-partisan support. So, the most consequential effect of the coronavirus may be to break the logjam on conservatives or Republicans discussing the pros and cons of cash grants and guaranteed income.

Are there any examples in history of when these types of handouts/stimulus packages have been beneficial?

The United States has a long-running UBI type program in the form of the Alaska Permanent Fund Dividend, which by all accounts has worked well for Alaskans over many decades. The main challenge of this program has been political, in terms of preserving the funding amid a wider budget crisis. Politics is the art of the trade-off, and since UBI is diffuse and diverse in its outcomes, it can be harder to defend than a targeted program aimed at a sympathetic demographic. Historically, the elderly, veterans, widows, and mothers have all been regarded as worthy of charity, with a reluctance to aid low-income workers in general.

The coronavirus, which does not discriminate, seems to have temporarily suspended this calculus, but probably not for long.

The economist Milton Friedman advocated for something very similar to UBI. As a scholar of Friedman’s work, what conditions do you think he would be asking for right now? Would he consider a cash payment enough?

Jennifer BurnsStanford scholar explores pros, cons of ‘basic income’

Stanford historian Jennifer Burns said that while political challenges exist to implement a “universal basic income,” this type of measure would protect workers and families against the fluidity of today’s workplace and employment worlds.

Although Friedman is known as an extreme free-market economist, he was very flexible when it came to emergency situations like depressions and war, where he definitely saw a role for government.

His most famous research was on the role the Federal Reserve could play in alleviating economic contractions. As such, he would applaud the general approach of the Fed, which has been to act quickly to get out in front of the situation. In terms of UBI or cash grants, this was a policy he favored on a permanent basis, so it’s likely he would also support it as a short-term measure. In his perspective, a cash grant was far preferable to interventions like a minimum wage or a guaranteed job.

Are you surprised that UBI is being taken seriously again?

As a historian of ideas, it’s always fascinating to watch how an idea that is outside the bounds of plausibility or polite conversation can suddenly crash the party. I’m constantly reminded in my research how many ideas or attitudes we consider common sense are very new and would have been considered completely bizarre or unthinkable even a generation before.

In terms of Friedman, this can be seen again and again. He supported a volunteer army, vouchers for public schools, drug legalization, and floating international exchange rates, which were all considered ridiculous, even dangerous ideas when he first argued for them. By the time he died, they were realities, or in the case of drug legalization, heading in that direction.

Indeed, UBI was one of the few policies he strongly advocated that did not pass. Individuals and societies are pretty quick to adapt and forget what came before. We may be at that moment now with UBI – a policy idea that was outlandish and fringe a few months ago is now a major topic of discussion in Washington, DC.


POLICY STATEMENT COVID-19 Pandemic

BC Human Rights Commission

https://bchumanrights.ca/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/BC-OHRC_COVID19_Policy-V3.pdf

Whose rights are at stake?

In the face of a pandemic, what we do as individuals, families, organizations and communities will have a profound impact on the greater good. All of us are in this together.

However, some of us are more vulnerable than others to the virus, some of our decisions have more impact on the wellbeing of others and some of us have fewer barriers than others to following public health advice.

Like any other decisions, we need to be aware of how bias, stereotyping and systems of inequality contribute to the impact of our public health decisions.

Like any other context, we must be vigilant about how racism, economic inequalities and classism, ableism, ageism and misogyny may all be factors in how people are treated and how people experience the pandemic.

Both public and private-sector organizations must recognize their human rights obligations and consider the potential disproportionate impacts of COVID-19 on the vulnerable or marginalized groups they employ, house or serve. These groups include immuno-compromised people, older people living alone or in institutions, Indigenous and racialized peoples, people with disabilities, women and gender diverse people and low-income communities.

Many of these marginalized groups are disproportionately in low-paying, hourly-wage, benefit-free and otherwise precarious jobs that make them unable to provide care or interrupt work. They are also more likely to have limited access to stable healthy housing, comprehensive health care, sick leave, child care, transportation and employment insurance, which may impact their ability to socially distance themselves or self-isolate.

Many marginalized people are more likely to be reliant on public services for income, housing and optimal health. Indigenous peoples and racialized people also have higher incidences of chronic conditions, such as hypertension, diabetes, heart disease and more.

How does human rights law apply to the COVID-19 pandemic?

Under the B.C. Human Rights Code, discrimination on the basis of disability is prohibited, except where duty bearers such as employers, landlords and service providers have a reasonable justification for doing so that amounts to undue hardship (discussed below).

In this time of rapidly changing circumstances, neither the Human Rights Tribunal nor the courts have had time to weigh in on whether COVID-19 amounts to a disability. However, in my view as BC’s Human Rights Commissioner, it does.

The seriousness of this illness – and the potential stigma that attaches to it – make it more akin to the legal es that apply to HIV than to the common cold. Therefore, discrimination on the basis of someone having (or appearing to have) COVID-19, is prohibit-ed under the Code except where the duty bearer can justify such treatment (for example, to prohibit or diminish the transmission of the virus).

Discrimination on the basis of race, colour, ancestry or place of origin is also prohibited. This means that duty bearers cannot discriminate against someone on the basis of whether a person comes from (or appears to come from) a COVID-19 hotspot such as China or Italy.

COVID-19 is not isolated to people of any particular ethnic origin, place of origin or race. However, restrictions based on where an individual recently travelled may be reasonable and not discriminatory, as per guidance from public health officials. In addition, discrimination on the basis of family status is prohibited.

During this time of school closures and child care cancellations, duty bearers may be required to accommodate parents so that they can care for their children. The additional child care burden imposed through these public health measures are likely to disproportionately affect women, particularly single mothers.

There are limits to how far duty bearers such as employers, housing providers or service providers have to go to accommodate the needs of employees, tenants or clients. They have to take every step possible to address the needs of those who require accommodation, unless taking those steps would amount to “undue hardship” for the duty bearer.

Undue hardship depends on the circumstances of each case but may be found to occur if, for example, the accommodation would create health and safety risks for others or would be inordinately expensive. Duty bearers can claim undue hardship as the reason why certain policies or practices need to stay in place, even though they may have a negative effect on the people they serve.

They will need to provide “sufficient and objective” evidence to prove undue hardship in the context of a human rights complaint. (2)

Employers and housing and service providers should ensure any restrictions on employees, tenants, and clients are consistent with the most recent advice from public health officials and are justified for health and safety reasons.

The surest means to guard against inequality and injustice during the pandemic is to ensure that all of our actions are evidence-based.

(2) See the BC Human Rights Tribunal or the Canadian Human Rights Commission for more information.

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Filed Under: Human Rights, Pandemics/Epidemics, Universal Basic Income

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