One of the phases of 2012 Ascension conceived of as a project is called “accountability.” Other phases are disclosure, first contact, abundance, terraforming, etc. (1)
During the time of accountability, the crimes of the dark ones will be exposed and they will be brought to justice. Here is a typical discussion from SaLuSa of what will happen during this period:
“Your time has arrived when your freedom and sovereignty falsely taken from you [by the dark ones] shall be restored. It may take time to fully do so, but it shall be done with our help. Many reforms will be made with a view to bringing back justice and seeking out corruption and criminal activity.
“You want a society based upon fairness and honesty where you can trust each other, and that is what you will get. Be assured that the plans for this have already been meticulously made to ensure absolute success. Our allies simply wait their instructions to proceed, and that is not too far away.” (2)
Apparently when we hear the full extent of the Illuminati’s activities to exert control over humanity, we will be shocked. Many people today, for instance, still will not accept that 9/11 was itself an operation of the American government, military, intelligence agencies, and others and had nothing to do with Arab hijackers or Osama bin Laden, except as those people were in the payroll of the perpetrators.
If you consider the list of atrocities that the Illuminati were probably responsible for, (3) to which we would now have to add the Haiti and Chilean earthquakes, you can see how formidable an enemy of the people the dark ones have been.
The following article, published in 1999, shows some of the involvement of the CIA in the drug trade. If you wish to see more, go to Youtube and search on “Chip Tatum” or “Barry Seal.” What the article does not tell us is the ever-increasing control exerted by the CIA over the global drug trade since 1999. But at least the article is a start.
It does not adequately cover the role of George W. Bush and Bill Clinton in the drug trade. As head of the CIA, George Bush personally administered the CIA’s involvement in the drug trade; as Governor of Arkansas, Bill Clinton personally accepted shipments of money and drugs at Mena Airport in Arkansas.
Both these men went on to become Presidents of the United States so you can imagine how corrupt the American government became under them. (And these were men who accepted our money to “help’ victims of Hurricane Katrina? You can imagine where the money went or where current funds Clinton and George H.W. Bush raised for the Haiti earthquake have gone.)
We need to wake up to the activities of the American government, military and alphabet agencies to create a “full-spectrum dominance” regime throughout the world and over American citizens. This article on yet another aspect of the black operations of the CIA could be multiplied by others on their work in creating torture prisons in other countries, assassinating people who wished to reveal the UFO presence or free-energy technologies, etc., etc. These could then be multiplied again by articles on Majestic-12, the NSA, FBI, Office of Naval Intelligence, and so on. We must wake up on this score.
So when you read this article, keep in mind that it is only one petal of a full but malignant flesh-eating flower and only shows that petal at a certain stage of its growth. There are many more petals and the full life cycle of the flower to comprehend.
Thanks to Asad Ismi for taking his life into his own hands by publishing it. I republish it in honor of DEA agent Enrique (“Kiki”) Camarena Salazar whose torture and death I studied in 1998, never suspecting that the CIA had ordered it.
“Any evidence that [the CIA] supported drug trafficking would indeed be the crime of the century.”
In a historic report released in October 1998, the CIA’s Inspector General (IG) Frederick Hitz confirmed long-standing allegations that the Agency facilitated drug trafficking by the Contras during the 1980s. The CIA-created Contra army fought against the leftist Sandinista government of Nicaragua from 1981 to 1990 in a war that killed 40,000 Nicaraguans. The Contras were notorious for targeting civilians, schools and medical centres.
Hitz listed 50 Contras involved in the drug trade including some of its top leaders and admitted that the CIA placed drug traffickers in command positions in the Contra army. The Agency had extensive knowledge of Contra drug trafficking and protected it by failing to act against the traffickers, withholding evidence and misleading investigators. The Reagan administration provided similar “protection” and the report shows that drug trafficking and money laundering went up to Reagan’s National Security Council (NSC), where Lt. Col. Oliver North was in charge of Contra matters.
Hitz’s report marks the CIA’s first admission about alliances with drug traffickers, an alliance it has maintained since 1943 when the Agency was known as the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). This long and sordid history involves CIA collaboration with heroin exporters in Sicily, France, Burma, Laos, Thailand, Afghanistan and Pakistan as well as with cocaine-dealing Cuban exiles in Miami. In Laos, CIA planes ferried heroin which addicted thousands of U.S. soldiers fighting in Vietnam.
The Inspector General’s report was issued in response to Gary Webb’s series of articles in the San Jose Mercury News entitled “Dark Alliance” which appeared in August 1996 and linked drug smuggling by the Contras to the crack cocaine explosion in Los Angeles during the 1980s. Webb was forced to resign from his job at the Mercury News due to a campaign of vilification unleashed against him by the New York Times, Washington Post and Los Angeles Times, but the storm of controversy generated by his series forced the CIA to issue the report. The IG report vindicates Webb and is far more damning to the CIA than Webb’s series.
According to Hitz, the CIA knew about Contra drug running from the start. A September 1981 CIA cable stated that ADREN (the earliest Contra force) had decided to use drug trafficking as a “financing mechanism.” The cable adds that in July 1981, two ADREN members made the first delivery of drugs to Miami. A few months after discovering that ADREN was smuggling drugs into the U.S., the CIA made one of ADREN’s leaders, Enrique Bermudez, commander of the Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN), the main Contra army which was organized by the Agency.
In 1982, Bermudez enlisted Norwin Meneses, a major Nicaraguan cocaine trafficker, to raise money for the Contras. Meneses and Danilo Blandon, another Nicaraguan trafficker, then began selling tons of cocaine to black street gangs in Los Angeles (with millions of dollars in proceeds going to the Contras), helping touch off the crack explosion in the U.S. A 1988 FBI cable identifies Meneses as working for the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). The FBI also believed that Meneses “was and may still be an informant for the CIA.” At the time, the FBI was unsuccessfully trying to indict Meneses on federal cocaine trafficking charges. The Meneses-Blandon drug ring was concentrated in California but also sold cocaine in Oregon, Washington and Texas.
Aware of early Contra drug trafficking, the CIA proceeded to make this criminal activity as easy as it could for its proxy army. According to Hitz, in 1982 the Agency signed a secret agreement (which lasted until 1995) with the U.S. Justice Department exempting the CIA from any requirement to report on allegations of drug trafficking by “non-employees” of the Agency which included agents, assets and non-staff employees. Thus for 14 years, while the Contras brought tons of cocaine into the U.S., the CIA and the Justice Department looked the other way. The FBI, DEA and the Pentagon’s Defense Intelligence Agency were also part of this connivance.
With the Contras’ growing involvement in drug dealing, the CIA chose “Ivan Gomez” (a CIA pseudonym), an experienced drug trafficker, to supervise Contra operations on the Southern Front in Costa Rica. Gomez admitted to the Agency in 1982 that he had assisted members of his family who were selling drugs and laundering money. Gomez stated that he helped his brother and brother-in-law move cash from New York City to Miami where they ran a money laundering centre for drug traffickers.
In June 1982, Gomez’s brother was arrested on drug charges and in September, Gomez commenced work at his CIA job in Costa Rica. According to Carlos Cabezas, a convicted drug trafficker, Gomez was the CIA agent in Costa Rica in charge of drug money going to the Contras. Gomez was to ensure that the money was given to the Contras and that nobody took an unauthorized profit. He remained the CIA’s man in Costa Rica until 1988.
Adding to Gomez’s narcotics experience, the CIA appointed another drug trafficker, Cuban-American Felipe Vidal, logistics coordinator for the Contras. Vidal had a criminal record for drug dealing in the 1970s and in January 1986, the DEA in Miami found 414 pounds of cocaine hidden in a yucca shipment going from a Contra operative in Costa Rica to Ocean Hunter (a drug-connected seafood importing company) where Vidal worked.
In 1987, the U.S. Attorney in Miami requested documents from the CIA about “Contra-related activities” by Vidal, Ocean Hunter and 16 other entities. The Agency replied that “no information had been found regarding Ocean Hunter,” a false statement. Vidal continued in his CIA position until 1990.
Other Contra leaders with drug connections included Juan Rivas, the FDN chief of staff who admitted to cocaine dealing in Colombia before the war. Rivas told the CIA that he had been arrested and convicted of transporting cocaine in Barranquilla, Colombia. He escaped from prison and came to Central America where he joined the Contras. In February 1989, the CIA asked the DEA not to act against Rivas “in view of the serious political damage to the U.S. government that could occur should the information about Rivas become public.” According to the FBI, Arnoldo Jose “Frank” Arana, the Contras’ main spokesman in Honduras, was involved in drug smuggling.
The Inspector General’s report also links the top leadership of the U.S. government to drug trafficking. In March 1987, the CIA questioned Moises Nunez, a Cuban-American who worked for Oliver North’s Contra operation centred in Reagan’s NSC, about drug allegations. Nunez replied that since 1985, he had a “clandestine relationship” with the NSC and that because of the specific tasks he had performed at the direction of the NSC, it was difficult to answer questions relating to his involvement in narcotics trafficking. The CIA responded by ending the investigation.
Alan Fiers, head of the Agency’s Central American Task Force, explained that the Nunez matter was not pursued “because of the NSC connection and the possibility that this could be somehow connected to the Private Benefactor Program” [the Contra money handled by North]. North’s notes for July 12, 1985 include a statement from a CIA officer in the field: “14M [million] to finance came from drugs.”
Hitz’s report also implicates airlines ferrying supplies for the Contras in drug dealing. These include SETCO, and Southern Air Transport (SAT). SETCO was owned by Juan Matta Ballesteros, who has been called “Honduras’ biggest drug trafficker.” According to a 1983 U.S. Customs report, Ballesteros was smuggling narcotics into the U.S. The CIA-contracted SAT (it was formerly owned by the CIA) was the main airline for Oliver North’s Iran-Contra activities.
In February 1991, the DEA informed the CIA about SAT’s “alleged involvement in cocaine trafficking… from 1985 to 1990.” Mike Holms, who worked for the DEA in Miami, received regular reports from his informants during the 1980s that SAT was landing planeloads of cocaine at Homestead air force base nearby. When Holms informed his superiors of this he was told to “stand down because of national security.”
It is clear from the Inspector General’s report that (as a Contra leader told the DEA in 1985) “the CIA was allowing the Contras to fly drugs into the U.S., sell them and keep the proceeds.” The report shows that CIA-approved drug trafficking was integral to the Contra effort and that the Agency made sure it remained so. The U.S. government thus self-admittedly allowed planeloads of cocaine into the country while fighting the “War on Drugs” by giving 40-year sentences to thousands of mostly poor black young men for selling or possessing ounces of the same drug.
The lives of thousands of African-Americans were destroyed (through incarceration, drug use or related violence) in order to finance the killing of 40,000 Nicaraguans (most of them poor peasants) whose revolution had dared to overthrow the vicious four-decade long U.S.-imposed Somoza dictatorship. Washington’s responsibility for Third World genocide is well documented. The IG report officially confirms for the first time that for U.S. decision makers, the domestic population is dispensable too.
Given the CIA’s admission to the “crime of the century,” who in the U.S. government gets punished for it? No one. As president, George Bush pardoned CIA and administration officials implicated in Iran-Contra crimes, so no action can be taken against him, Reagan and North. After all, they are just three in a long line of murderers and drug traffickers who have ruled the United States.
Related revelations show that the CIA’s destructiveness was not limited to U.S. and Nicaraguan civilians. According to Hector Berrellez, a 24-year-old veteran of the DEA and its most decorated agent who retired with honours in September 1996, DEA agent Enrique “Kiki” Camarena was murdered in Mexico by drug traffickers linked to the CIA. Camarena was kidnapped in broad daylight from in front of the U.S. consulate in Guadalajara in February 1985. His tortured body was discovered a month later. The investigation into Camarena’s murder was the most significant in DEA history and Berrellez was put in charge of the investigation in 1989.
He discovered that the Mexican secret police was protecting large marijuana plantations in Sinaloa and that Camarena had got the Mexican Federal Judicial Police to close one of these ranches. The “busted” plantation was owned by a Mexican drug trafficker who had an agreement with the CIA to protect his operations in exchange for providing the Contras with money, weapons and training bases.
When Camarena came upon the ranch, there was a possibility that he would uncover the alliance between the CIA and the Mexican drug traffickers. For this reason, Camarena was killed, according to Berrellez. Berrellez cites the audio tapes (obtained by him) that the traffickers made while they were torturing Camarena. On the tapes, the drug dealers repeatedly ask Camarena, “What do you know about the CIA? What do you know about the CIA’s involvement with the plantation?”
Berrellez recommended to his superiors that the DEA impanel a federal grand jury to investigate the CIA’s role in Camarena’s murder and the Agency’s drug connections. A grand jury was set up and called a few witnesses before Berrellez was suddenly transferred to Washington in 1995 and given a desk job with nothing to do. The investigation went nowhere and Berrellez retired in 1996. Berrellez’s account was corroborated by Lawrence Victor Harrison, a CIA operative in Mexico.
Harrison told the DEA that the CIA had Camarena killed. Harrison had worked for the CIA in Mexico for many years and told a convincing story. The judge, however, did not allow the jury to hear Harrison’s account and removed it from the record. One of Berrellez’s informants told him that Rafael Caro Quintero, the man finally jailed for Camarena’s murder, was getting guns through CIA connections. Juan Matta Ballasteros, owner of SETCO, was also a member of the gang involved in Camarena’s murder.
While stationed in Mexico, Berrellez received constant reports from his army of two to three hundred informants about “strange fortified bases” at Sinaloa, Baja, Veracruz, Durango and all over the country which were not Mexican military bases. U.S. military planes would land at these bases and according to the informants, the planes were shipping drugs. When Berrellez reported this to his DEA superiors and to U.S. Embassy staff in Mexico City, he was told, “Stay away from those bases. They are training camps, special operations.” During the 1980s, Berrellez’s $3 million informant budget brought in report after report of CIA-leased planes flying cocaine into Homestead air force base in Florida, and an airfield near Tucson, Arizona believed to be a CIA base. The planes flew guns south.
One informant told Berrellez about flying in a U.S. military plane full of drugs from Guadalajara to Homestead. Everywhere Berrellez turned he encountered drug traffickers with CIA connections. Given such evidence, Berrellez believes that the CIA is in the drug business and that the Agency ran camps for the Contras in Mexico “with big planes flying in and out full of dope.” He also believes that some of his fellow agents were members of the CIA and that the DEA was “penetrated.”
Contra drug operations were not restricted to the U.S. west coast. An east coast Contra drug pipeline went through Intermountain Regional Airport in Mena, Arkansas where one of the world’s largest drug operations was based during the 1980s. From 1981 to 1986, a fleet of planes flew to and from this rural isolated area in the mountains of western Arkansas at all hours of the night. The operation was run by Barry Seal, one of the biggest cocaine and marijuana importers in the southern U.S.
Seal, who was also a DEA and CIA informant, smuggled between $3 billion and $5 billion worth of drugs into the U.S. He took guns to the Contras in Central America for the CIA and brought back cocaine for the Medellin cartel which he would airdrop in Louisiana, Texas, Florida and Arkansas. Seal admitted that he was the Medellin cartel’s main link to the cocaine markets of the southeastern U.S. The drugs would also be sold in New York, Chicago and Detroit. Along with the CIA and DEA, the FBI, the IRS, the Louisiana State Police and the Arkansas State Police were also aware of Seal’s trafficking.
The governor of Arkansas at that time was Bill Clinton, who blocked two local attempts to investigate events at Mena. One of Clinton’s biggest campaign contributors and political supporters was Dan Lasater, a prominent bond broker in Little Rock, Arkansas, who operated several investment firms and brokerages in Arkansas and Florida. According to the FBI, Lasater was part of “a huge drug ring” and the main supplier of cocaine to “the investment and bond community in the Little Rock area which has the largest bond community in the U.S. outside of New York City.”
Lasater was convicted of cocaine trafficking in 1986 but served only six months in jail. Bill Clinton pardoned him in 1990. Roger Clinton, the president’s brother and a cocaine addict, was an unindicted co-conspirator in Lasater’s drug ring. According to former Arkansas State Trooper L.D. Brown, who was part of Clinton’s security detail, when he told the governor about Seal’s cocaine flights, Clinton replied, “That’s Lasater’s deal.”
Briarpatch, June 1999
(1) All 0f these topics are covered in First Contact at http://www.angelfire.com/space2/light11/fc/fc-index1.html.
(2) SaLuSa, Feb. 10, 2010,, at http://www.treeofthegoldenlight.com/First_Contact/Channeled_Messages_by_Mike_Quinsey.htm.
(3) See partial list in”I Accuse,” at http://goldenageofgaia.com/nwo-essays/i-accuse/.